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Primary reference(s)

PHE, 2019. . Accessed 9 October 2020.

Additional scientific description

The term mass suicide can be used to describe situations in which a particular population or social group has reacted to (real or perceived) oppression or exploitation by another group or agent. The act of mass suicide transforms the psychology of a catastrophe from one in which a passive role is played into one constructed actively (Mancinelli et al., 2002). Mass suicides can therefore be classified as either self-induced (perceived) – the motivation is related to a distorted evaluation of reality, without there being either an intolerable situation or a real risk of death; or hetero-induced (real) – typical of defeated and colonised populations that are forced to escape from a reality in which human dignity is not acknowledged and typical of communities with a well-defined historical and cultural identity (Mancinelli et al., 2002).

Few documented examples of mass suicide events exist, and these range from events documented in 113 BC to more recent events and are documented to have occurred in most regions of the world (Mancinelli et al., 2002). Mass suicides prompted by a perceived threat are often religious in nature and can be triggered by a charismatic leader (Dein and Littlewood, 2000). Examples include the People’s Temple in 1978 where 909 Americans died in a group led by Jim Jones, and Adam House in Bangladesh where nine members of the same family threw themselves in front of a train in 2007 (Selum, 2010). Mass suicides prompted by real threats most often occur during wartime, particularly among defeated or invaded populations (Goeschel, 2006).

There are reported to be substantial differences in the pattern of suicide methods internationally (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2008). It is difficult to ascertain how many suicides occur in clusters and the extent to which clusters contribute to overall suicide rates. Approximately 5% of all suicides in New Zealand appeared to occur in point clusters and 2.4% of suicides in Australia. Estimation of such figures is approximate. It is not known how many suicides occur in mass clusters because accurate identification of those affected may be impossible as they tend to be geographically remote; sometimes linked deaths occur in different countries (PHE, 2019).

Many suicides happen impulsively and, in such circumstances, easy access to a means of suicide – such as pesticides or firearms – can make the difference as to whether a person lives or dies (WHO, 2014).

The World Health Organization reported an estimated 793,000 suicide deaths worldwide in 2016 (WHO, 2017). This indicates an annual global age-standardised suicide rate of 10.5 per 100,000 population (WHO, 2017). For every suicide there are many more people who attempt suicide every year (WHO, 2019). Suicide is the third leading cause of death in those aged 15 to 19 years (WHO, 2019). 79% of global suicides occur in low- and middle-income countries with ingestion of pesticide, hanging and firearms among the most common methods of suicide globally (WHO, 2019).

Metrics and numeric limits

Not available.

Examples of drivers, outcomes and risk management

The main drivers of mass suicides are associated with political and religious motivation and mental health (Mancinelli et al., 2002); as well as media reporting of celebrity suicides, and having access to the means of committing suicide. For example, Niederkrotenthaler et al. (2020) showed that reporting of deaths of celebrities by suicide appears to increase the number of suicides by 8–18% in the subsequent 1–2 months, and information on method of suicide was associated with an increase of 18–44% in the risk of suicide by the same method. Studies on the effects of media items covering novel suicide methods have been useful in understanding the interplay between media and suicide methods, for example charcoal burning in parts of Asia (Lee et al., 2014). 

Mental disorders and harmful use of alcohol contribute to many suicides around the world (WHO, 2014). Cultural variability in suicide risk is also apparent, with culture having roles both in increasing risk and in protection from suicidal behaviour (WHO, 2014). In the past half-century, many countries have decriminalised suicide, making it easier for those with suicidal behaviours to seek help (WHO, 2014). Public Health England recommends the development of a Suicide Cluster Response Plan (PHE, 2019).

Despite evidence that many deaths are preventable, suicide is often a low priority for governments and policymakers (WHO, 2014).